What’s up with Canada?

Overdose epidemic

  • Will the House of Commons make it to summer break before it breaks into theatrics?

    Here’s a movie-worthy quote from Pierre Poilievre in Question Period: “The Prime Minister, instead of defending his taxes, resorted to a really wacko and unhinged claim – that if Canadians just paid more taxes, there would suddenly be less fires. I thought that water, and not taxes, put out fires? Maybe the Prime Minister can clarify: How high would his tax have to go for forest fires to stop?”

    The Conservative leader evidently thought that was a pretty good line, since he repeated it twice. But just imagine applying Poilievre’s logic to his own policy positions.

    Take his ‘recovery, not free drugs’ solution for the overdose crisis: How high would his taxes for addiction treatment programs have to go to eliminate drugs?

    Or his ‘jail, not bail’ plan for repeat violent offenders and car thieves: How high would his taxes for police, courts and prisons have to go to eliminate crime?

    Of course, nobody thinks that Trudeau is trying to eliminate forest fires. Meanwhile, everybody knows that Poilievre is trying to eliminate the price on pollution.

    That’s why he asked the Prime Minister to “put aside his wacko ideology long enough to give Canadians a break by axing all the taxes on fuel for summer vacation,” claiming it would save average Canadian families $670 by Labour Day.

    But the Liberals crunched the numbers: With a maximum fuel tax of $0.32 per litre and an average fuel efficiency of 8.9 litres per kilometre, you would need to drive from Toronto to Vancouver and back multiple times to save that much money.

    Did the Conservatives admit their mistake? No. Instead, Poilievre accused the Liberals of going on “a wacko rant accusing parents who take their kids on a road trip of locking them up in a car for 10 days straight, without a washroom break, causing the whole world to burn.”

    And did the Conservatives change the subject? No. Ten MPs – including two from provinces where the federal carbon tax doesn’t even exist – stuck to their script, knowing they’d bomb, about how the Liberals ruined summer vacation.

    So did the Conservatives lose the plot? No. Because they’re no longer trying to hold the Liberals to account… they’re trying to make viral videos that rake in donations. And they’ve turned Question Period into their very own production studio.

    Once upon a time, when most Canadians got their political news from journalists on TV, getting humiliated in the House of Commons was something to avoid. But now that so many of us get it directly from politicians online, it’s something to ignore – or better yet, cut from the clip.

    At first, this shift was subtle. But the fourth wall was broken last week when a Liberal MP criticized a Conservative MP for looking at the camera while asking him a question. (The House Speaker, whom the Conservatives accuse of excessive partisanship, ruled that MPs can look wherever they want.)

    Of course, the Conservatives have more important things to worry about than roasting their rivals on social media. For example: Canada’s public inquiry into foreign interference recently revealed that some MPs may have worked “wittingly” with China and India to influence election outcomes – including the Conservative leadership race that Poilievre won in a landslide.

    Right now, very little information has been released to the public. No MP has been named, and we don’t know how many are accused – let alone if the reports are credible. The RCMP hasn’t even confirmed whether they’ve launched criminal investigations into these alleged acts of what would absolutely be treason.

    Yet Poilievre, who wants to be Canada’s next prime minister, knows nothing more about this than we do. And, insanely enough, that’s by personal choice! For more than a year, Poilievre has refused to obtain security clearance to receive classified information.

    He claims that Trudeau’s offer to share national secrets is actually a secret plot to muzzle him, since he wouldn’t be allowed to publicly discuss what he learned. But a more likely motivation for choosing to remain ignorant about threats to Canadian sovereignty is that Poilievre would prefer to attack the government than protect democracy.

    This is the man that the Conservatives have chosen to lead their party. He is their anti-woke warrior, their second coming of Stephen Harper, their Trudeau slayer… and they can almost taste those sweet leftist-Liberal tears.

    Poilievre wants to run away from Canada’s responsibility to mitigate climate change. He also wants to run roughshod over evidence-based approaches to reducing addiction and crime. And, most of all, he wants to run the country.

    But is that what Canadians want?

    Welcome to the Poilievre show

    was published

  • Parliament has been noticeably more parliamentary in the week since the Conservatives stormed out of Question Period when their leader, Pierre Poilievre, was expelled for unparliamentary language after calling Justin Trudeau a “wacko” – and refusing to take it back unless he could call the prime minister a “radical” or “extremist” instead.

    There has been significantly less heckling from all sides. Parliamentarians have been able to speak without being interrupted, and interpreters have been able to hear what they’re interpreting. That’s good news for democracy.

    But the Conservatives have refused to quit lying. And that’s bad news for democracy.

    This week in Question Period, Poilievre continued to blame Trudeau for Canada’s drug overdose epidemic: “Does the prime minister believe in the decriminalization of crack in children’s parks, meth smoking in hospitals, or other hard drugs on public transit – yes or no?”

    He was referring to the federal government’s 2023 approval of British Columbia’s request to temporarily decriminalize both possession and use of hard drugs in public – as well as the province’s recent request to recriminalize the latter.

    Poilievre then claimed that “the prime minister’s government has been working secretly with the City of Toronto on that plan.”

    But Toronto’s request to decriminalize hard drugs is not a secret. And Trudeau has been clear that the federal government will only consider decriminalization proposals from provincial governments. And Ontario premier Doug Ford has been clear that he won’t support it. So Toronto’s “plan” to decriminalize hard drugs is really a pipe dream.

    Then Poilievre claimed it took “10 days and 66 more deaths” for the Liberals to approve B.C.’s recriminalization request. But Premier David Eby only formally submitted his proposal on Friday – and it was approved by the federal government on Monday.

    Regarding the implication that it’s decriminalization – not new-age fentanyl and age-old despair – that is to blame for those 66 overdose deaths: It’s absurd. If it weren’t, Alberta, where hard drugs are very much illegal, wouldn’t have had more overdose deaths per capita than B.C. in April.

    To be fair, toxic exchanges in Canadian politics are nothing new. Canada’s first prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, once barfed during a campaign speech before explaining, “I get sick… not because I get drunk, but because I have to listen to my opponent talk.”

    But Canadians have a long history of stomaching political difference. From the mid-1960s to the mid-2000s, most Canadians ranked the trustworthiness of political parties they didn’t vote for only 20 or so points lower than the one they supported, or between 30 and 60 on a scale of 0 to 100. But by 2019, most voters scored them between 0 and 10 – the worst ranking on record.

    So what happened in the last 20 years?

    Former Liberal prime minister Jean Chrétien made it so that political parties could no longer receive big donations from businesses and labour unions, which sounds good for democracy. And former Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper made it so that political parties would no longer receive big subsidies from the government, which sounds good for taxpayers.

    But the actual result of these changes is that political parties now rely on relatively small donations from individual Canadians – which, again, sounds good… until you consider the fact that relatively few people donate to political parties.

    So instead of concerning themselves with the business of governing, or holding the government to account, politicians are concerned with catering to the core of their base – because they’re the ones who pay their party’s bills.

    And this problem has gotten worse in the age of Elon’s X, where the most extremely online yet politically illiterate members of the Canadian electorate consume a steady diet of videos depicting politicians they dislike set to spooky music and politicians they do like dissing them.

    While all political parties fundraise, the Conservatives have mastered the art form: In the first three months of 2024, they raised $10.7 million while the Liberals raised just $3.1 million, the NDP raised $1.3 million, the Greens raised $400,000, the Bloc raised $340,000, and the far-right People’s Party – which doesn’t even hold a seat in the House of Commons – raised $240,000.

    But money isn’t everything. The truth is still a factor. As Kendrick Lamar recently warned Drake, “The audience is not dumb.”

    When the next election is called, we’ll find out if Kung Fu Kenny is right. With all that has happened since the rise of social media, the overdose epidemic and the affordability crisis, it’s an open question: Is there still a plurality of voters who can separate fact from fiction?

    More importantly, are there still enough Canadians who care about the difference?